Ancient civilizations 3rd edition pdf free download
You've read his columns in MAA Online, you've heard him on the radio, and you've seen his popular mathematics books. In between all those activities and his own research, he's been hard at work revising Sets, Functions and Logic, his standard-setting text that has smoothed the road to pure mathematics for legions of undergraduate students. Now in its third edition, Devlin has fully reworked the book to reflect a new generation. The narrative is more lively and less textbook-like.
Remarks and asides link the topics presented to the real world of students' experience. The chapter on complex numbers and the discussion of formal symbolic logic are gone in favor of more exercises, and a new introductory chapter on the nature of mathematics--one that motivates readers and sets the stage for the challenges that lie ahead. Students crossing the bridge from calculus to higher mathematics need and deserve all the help they can get.
Sets, Functions, and Logic, Third Edition is an affordable little book that all of your transition-course students not only can afford, but will actually read About the Author Dr. Devlin is also one of the world's leading popularizers of mathematics. This book presents a broad selection of articles mainly published during the last two decades on a variety of topics within the history of mathematics, mostly focusing on particular aspects of mathematical practice.
This book is of interest to, and provides methodological inspiration for, historians of science or mathematics and students of these disciplines. Based upon the principle that graph design should be a science, this book presents the principles of graph construction. The orientation of the material is toward graphs in technical writings, such as journal articles and technical reports. But much of the material is relevant for graphs shown in talks and for graphs in nontechnical publications.
Each of the 24 chapters focuses on a particular and significant development in the evolution of science, and is connected in a coherent way to the others to yield a smooth, continuous narrative.
A Book by Howard L. Resnikoff,Raymond O. Wells, Jr. A Book by H. Resnikoff,Raymond O'Neil Wells. An Encyclopedia - by Josef Meri. A Book by Victor J. Katz,Karen Dee Michalowiz. A Book by John J. And Writing Space helps educators develop and assess concept mastery and critical thinking through writing, quickly and easily. Please note: this version of MyHistoryLab does not include an eText.
This thorough introduction to world history presents material in manageable bites using a narrative format. This full-color, pedagogically rich, map- intensive text balances discussion of all major civilizations. The extensive ancillary package provides ample support of the first-time instructor of the World History course.
This comprehensive, accessible survey of world history has been extensively revised to provide an even more global and comparative perspective on the events and processes that have shaped our increasingly interdependent world. Written by leading scholars in their respective fields. Interactive maps—one Web-based interactive map in each chapter—provides readers with opportunities to explore the relationships between time and space in shaping world history. Volume C covers the Enlightenment to the present.
The Sixth edition now provides roughly the same amount of coverage for European and non-European regions. Combines unusually strong and thorough coverage of the unique heritage of Asian, African, Islamic, Western, and American civilizations, while highlighting the role of the world's great religious and philosophical traditions.
For anyone interested in world civilization or world history. Volume 1 covers the period to One volume accompanies all versions of the text. A collection of primary source documents approximately 2 per chapter with accompanying exercises. Students learn to think critically and use primary documents when studying history.
It seeks to identify how major forces have developed over time, like patterns of migration or world trade. It explores the cultures and political institutions of different regions, to help explain commonalities and differences. World history builds on a growing amount of historical scholarship, some of which has truly altered the picture of the past. It involves a rich array of stories and examples of human variety, intriguing in themselves. It helps develop skills that are vital not just to the history classroom, but to effective operation in a global society-skills like comparing different societies, appreciating various viewpoints, identifying big changes and continuities in the human experience.
It was relatively easy to learn, as it consisted of only 22 separate characters, in contrast, for example, to the approximately 90 characters of the Linear B syllabary. And it is, in effect, itself an abbreviated syllabary.
So, for example, while Linear B had a different symbol to represent each of the following syllables: da, de, di, do, du, the Phoenician script used only one symbol to represent any one of them. We know the nature of the vowels in the Hebrew form of the word, which was written using a system of writing almost identical with the Phoenician, because marks were introduced at a later time that indicated the vocalization of Hebrew texts.
That symbol was adopted by the Greeks and is the origin of the triangular-shaped Greek letter delta, whose name also betrays its Semitic origin. The other characters of the Phoenician script were adopted by the Greeks in the same way.
The Greek language, however, is not well suited to being represented by a system of writing that is fundamentally syllabic in nature, and so the Greek borrowers made some slight alterations to the system that they adopted. These changes, however, transformed the system into something that was no longer syllabic in nature, and with the Greek script we are justified in speaking for the first time of a truly alphabetic system of writing figure Daniels and W.
Bright eds. Similar adjustments were made in the case of a few other characters that the Phoenicians used to represent sounds that happened either not to exist or not to be at all prominent in the Greek language.
The result of this is that there is a fundamental conceptual difference between the Greek alphabet and the West Semitic writing system from which it is derived. The fourth character in the Phoenician signary, for example, can represent any one of the syllables da, de, di, do, or du, whereas the fourth character of the Greek and English alphabet represents only that which the syllables da, de, di, do, and du have in common.
The Greek alphabet is analytical, in a way that Linear B and the Phoenician script are not, in the sense that it reduces the sounds of the spoken language to its elements, beyond which it cannot be further reduced. The tled in this country, brought with them into Greece a number usefulness of the alphabet was apparent of skills, the most significant of which was literacy, which did from early on. By bc the Greek not exist previously among the Greeks, as far as I can tell.
At alphabet was adopted, with modificafirst the Greeks adopted the same characters that the Phoenitions, by the Etruscans and, later, by the cians in general use, but in the course of time, as the sound of speakers of other languages spoken on the language changed, so did the shape of the letters.
At that time it was primarily Ionian Greeks who lived in the region the Italian peninsula, including Latin. The oldest known piece of Greek alphabetic writing, discovered only recently, consists of a few letters that were scratched on a clay pot some time before about bc. This pot was found not in Greece but in Italy, east of Rome, providing further evidence of the movement of Greeks and their goods at this time.
Mention has been made of outposts that the Greeks established in order to facilitate trade throughout the Mediterranean. This period lasts from the beginning of the eighth century and extends into the fifth century bc and represents the most significant expansion of the Greek world before the time of Alexander the Great. Well over a hundred new Greek cities were founded during this period, some of which became populous and powerful communities that went on to play significant roles in later times.
Some are thriving cities still today, like Catania, Istanbul, Marseilles, Naples, Nice, and Syracuse, homes to nearly twenty million inhabitants. The population of Greece had grown considerably in the course of the Geometric Period and that increase in population was surely one of the causes of this expansion outside Greece proper, but almost certainly it was not the only cause.
Those Greek communities that had been most active in pursuing trade during the Geometric Period were also the ones that were in the forefront of the movement to establish overseas settlements, so that the prospects of economic improvement may have been as effective a motive as overcrowding at home. In some cases, also, it appears that members of unsuccessful political factions were either encouraged or forced to emigrate. Not only did the motives for the founding of different settlements vary; surely the various individuals who participated in the founding of the same settlement did so for a variety of reasons.
Unfortunately, we know very little about the details of the foundations before the fifth century because the very sparse written records are of little help and the later accounts that exist are overlaid with embellishment and legend. It is clear that, in some instances, Greek settlers simply moved into an uninhabited area and built a new Greek community. In many, perhaps most, cases an earlier, non-Greek population was displaced, either forcibly or by being gradually outnumbered or assimilated.
The original name was Zancle, Bulgaria or the Ukraine. In fact, the Greek settleto escape from the Persians. But there is a very great difference between these two periods of migration. That earlier period was an especially unsettled time, and Greece was beset by destitution and a precipitous decline in population. The period that begins with the eighth century, by contrast, is characterized by rapidly increasing prosperity and expanding population. Perhaps of even greater importance, the nature of community organization had changed radically between the beginning and the end of the Dark Age.
It is not at all clear what kind of political organization existed in Greece after the collapse of Mycenaean society, or even if there was any recognizable political organization at all.
The impression given by the archaeological remains from the twelfth and eleventh centuries is that individuals and their families functioned outside of any larger social or political framework. By the eighth century bc, however, the characteristic unit of Greek social, political, and religious organization had come into being. This unit is the polis.
A centrally located open area of a polis where people could gather for political functions or for social and commercial purposes. The urban center also contains an open area, called an agora, where members of the polis can interact to conduct trade and to carry out the business of government, and a place for the cult that is shared by the members of the polis.
The details of the development of the polis as the political and social entity around which Greek life would be structured throughout the Archaic and Classical Periods are not clear. But the religious connection would seem to be fundamental, and the presence of one or more sanctuaries is as essential to the nature of the polis as the territory itself or the people who inhabit it.
Each polis felt itself to be under the special protection of one or another of the Greek gods, and it was to that god or goddess that its main sanctuary was dedicated. The citizens of these cities naturally worshipped other gods and goddesses as well, but they felt that their city had a special relationship with its patron deity, and that this deity had a special interest in protecting and supporting their city.
All these elements, the sacred precinct, the large altar, the cult statue, and the temple building, emerged in the Greek world during the Geometric Period under the influence of the cultures of western Asia. There is where she has her precinct and her fragrant the non-Greek civilizations to the east. In altar. There she entered and shut the shining doors; there the many cases, the gods themselves, as we Graces bathed her and anointed her with heavenly olive oil, have seen, had been worshipped by the the kind of oil that gives luster to the skin of the immortal Greeks as early as the Mycenaean Period.
That is not to say that the up among the clouds. It will be recalled that Aphrodite, whom the Asiatic Paris judged to be the most beautiful goddess, was the only divine figure involved in the judgment of Paris of whom there is no mention in the Linear B tablets. Everything points to the conclusion that the Greeks either adopted the worship of Aphrodite as a new goddess at some time during the Geometric Period or added so many Semitic features to the worship of an existing goddess that her original identity was wholly obscured.
At any rate, Aphrodite became a regular member of the Greek pantheon and many Greek poleis erected altars for sacrifices to her and temples to house her cult images. What is of particular significance is the communal effort that these structures and the tendance of these and other cults required. In the eighth century bc, at the same time that the polis develops its characteristic structure, we see a remarkable increase in the number of cult sites and in the lavishness with which dedicatory offerings are made at those sites.
The kinds of valuable objects that previously had been buried as grave goods for deceased individuals now begin to be redirected and are dedicated in large numbers in communal sanctuaries.
For, while the grave is the concern solely of the descendants of the deceased, the sanctuary concerns the community as a whole. All Greeks recognized and worshipped the same pantheon of divinities, but the particular emphasis upon a limited group of those divinities, the specific character of certain festivals, and a peculiar calendar according to which those festivals were celebrated marked one Greek polis as distinct from another.
This increasing contact with non-Greek populations and this differentiation of one polis from another presented the Greeks with the need to define themselves not only as members of a particular polis but as Greeks, as Hellenes. Their common Greek language, although divided into a number of dialects, served that purpose, as did certain inherited legends and myths. This purpose was also served by the development of a small number of religious festivals that attained a panhellenic status; that is, festivals that were not confined to the members of a single polis but could be observed by all the Hellenes.
The most prominent, and apparently the oldest, of these Panhellenic festivals was the Olympic festival, celebrated at the sanctuary of Olympian Zeus, located in the northwestern Peloponnese, on the border of the territory of the Eleans and their neighbors to the south map 7.
The festival celebrated at Olympia followed an eight-year cycle of Babylonian origin, with the festival being held at the beginning and mid-point of the cycle.
There is evidence of cult activity at the site of Olympia as early as the end of the tenth century bc, but the importance of the sanctuary increased in the course of the Geometric Period to the point that, by the seventh century, thousands of dedicatory offerings had been made there in the form of terracotta and bronze figurines, arms and armor, and valuable bronze cauldrons and tripods figure 20 , from various Greek poleis and even from Italy and western Asia.
These dedications are likely to have been made in connection with the festival which, like ancient Greek festivals generally, included large-scale animal sacrifices that took place at the altar within the sanctuary of Zeus. This festival was particularly noted for the athletic contests that were held at the site of the sanctuary. The ancient Greeks had a tradition according to which these contests, the Olympic games, began in the year we number bc, and a record was preserved of the names of all the victors at the games going back to that date.
According to tradition, Coroebus of Elis was victorious in the one-stade foot race at the Olympic games in that year, and it is now traditional among scholars to consider bc as the time at which the Dark Age came to an end.
The archaeological evidence, however, suggests that this date might be a bit early. Still, there seems to be little doubt that the games do in fact date from some time in the eighth century bc. Olympia, Archaeological Museum. Photo by G. A fondness for athletic contests, something on which the ancient Greeks prided themselves, was not at all an unusual feature of their festivals in honor of the gods, and the Greeks felt that this practice, and especially the habit of male participants competing in a state of total nudity, distinguished them from nonGreeks.
And it was only freeborn Greek males who were eligible to participate in the Olympic games. That self-definition focused, in the case of the Olympic games, on religious observance and on the naked display of athletic excellence. In earlier times athletes even at the Olympic games used to compete wearing a loincloth about their genitals, and it is not many years since that practice came to an end.
It is still the case among many foreigners today, especially in Asia, that when contests in boxing and wrestling are held, they engage in these activities wearing loincloths. This is one of many instances in which one can see similarities between the Greeks of old and foreigners of today.
Recommended for Further Reading Boardman, J. Bruit Zaidman, L. Burkert, W. Greek Religion, English translation Cambridge, MA : the standard work by the leading authority on the subject. Coldstream, J. Geometric Greece — bc, 2nd edition London and New York : a detailed treatment of the period from about to about bc, primarily from an archaeological point of view.
Hall, J. A History of the Archaic Greek World ca. Kyle, D. Sport and Spectacle in the Ancient World Malden, MA : a thoughtful and up-to-date account of the Panhellenic games and of the important status of sport in Greek and Roman culture. Cults, Territory, and the Origins of the Greek City-state, English translation Chicago : an influential study of the role of religious cult as a decisive element in the formation of the Greek polis. Powell, B. Snodgrass, A. Omniglot omniglot.
Evolution of Alphabets terpconnect. The Ancient Olympics perseus. In his Theogony ca. The cult of heroes originates in Greece during the Dark Age, and a fascinating archaeological discovery near the modern town of Lefkandi has provided us with what appears to be early evidence for the development of hero cult. Stories about the gods and about the men and women who were to become objects of hero cult had circulated for hundreds of years in the form of orally composed poetic accounts.
The culmination of this tradition, which stretches back to the Mycenaean Period, can be found in the epic poems of Homer, the Iliad and the Odyssey, which recount events supposedly connected with the Trojan War, a legendary occurrence that the Greeks imagined to have taken place at the end of what we would call the Mycenaean Period.
These poems are regarded today as being among the greatest masterpieces of Western literature; they were felt by the ancient Greeks to be not only literary creations of the first magnitude but embodiments of Greek culture, history, and identity.
These included the introduction of alphabetic writing; the willing adoption of elements of oriental influence; the beginnings of a period of Greek expansion throughout the Mediterranean region; the arousal of a Panhellenic sentiment in response to that expansion; the development of the polis as the basis for Greek social and political life; and the importance of communal cult as a catalyst for the creation of the polis.
All of these features can be illustrated from a reading of the poetry of Hesiod, who was himself born in the second half of the eighth century probably between about and bc. His writings are among the earliest works of Greek literature that are available to us.
We will consider in this chapter the surviving works of Hesiod, as well as the great epic poems of Homer, the Iliad and the Odyssey. In the Theogony, Hesiod tells us his name and in both poems he speaks in the first person, giving us a number of biographical details. He lives, he tells us, in the Boeotian town of Ascra, not far from Thebes. Between the two of them more or less literally a new generation of gods is created, the youngest of whom is Cronus, who eventually overthrows his father Uranus after having castrated him with a sickle.
This is only one of a large number of elements in the Theogony that have close parallels in earlier mythological accounts from the literature of western Asia. And they breathed into me a superhuman power of song, so that I might tell of what was to come and what happened in the past, and they directed me to sing about the race of the blessed gods who live forever.
Zeus, in turn, overthrows his father Cronus, but this act is represented not as yet another act in an ongoing series of crimes but as a restoration of justice.
Cronus is punished not only for his violence against his father but for his treatment of his children, whom he swallows as soon as they are born to prevent them from usurping his rule. He is, however, deceived into swallowing a stone in place of his son Zeus, who is thus spared and allowed to grow to full strength without Cronus knowing of his survival. Zeus later rescues his brothers and sisters from the belly of Cronus and begins his enlightened rule over men and gods.
In the human realm, according to Hesiod, the guarantors of order and justice are the basileis, the plural form of basileus, which we saw in chapter 1 was the title of the Mycenaean official just under the king. The basileis are thus the earthly counterparts of Zeus: Just as the divine Muses sing the praises of Zeus and the other gods, so mortal poets like Hesiod are expected to sing the praises of the earthly basileis along, of course, with praising the gods.
But, unlike Zeus, the ruler of the gods, the human basileis are in need of instruction, which Hesiod is prepared to supply. In the Works and Days, which was composed later than the Theogony, Hesiod speaks directly to the basileis. Having received more of the inheritance than he deserved, Perses proceeded to squander his portion and, impoverished, came begging to Hesiod.
The lesson to be learned from this, which Hesiod does not hesitate to propound, is that injustice is invariably punished by Zeus. Justice, on the other hand, leads to prosperity, benefiting not only the individual but the wider community as well. As we saw in the case of the Theogony, Hesiod is especially concerned with origins and explanations, even going back to the very beginning of the cosmos. The same is true of the Works and Days, and in it the poet informs us along with Perses and the basileis exactly why it is necessary to work hard and why life for mortals is so onerous.
At one of these feasts Prometheus tried to deceive Zeus, by unevenly dividing the remains of a slaughtered ox in such a way that the inedible portion looked more appealing. Zeus chose the inedible portion, although Hesiod assures us that Zeus saw through the trick and only chose as he did so that he could punish Prometheus for injustice. To counterbalance the blessing of fire, Zeus inflicted upon mankind what Hesiod and his contemporaries appear to have regarded as the worst evil imaginable, womankind.
The steely-eyed goddess back every night figure In her heart Hermes the facilitator, the slayer of Argus, fashA myth that is concerned, as this one ioned falsehoods and seductive chatter and a devious nature, is, with causes or origins is referred to all through the wishes of loud-thundering Zeus.
Because it is a story, it gives the impression that the outcome has been satisfactorily accounted for. Not only do men no longer enjoy a life of ease, dining with the gods, but men now have an extra mouth to feed.
In addition, the myth accounts for why animal sacrifice takes the curious form it does, with humans consuming the edible portion of the victim and burning the bones and the intestines on an altar, allegedly as a gift to the gods, who are imagined as appreciating the fragrant fumes.
This aition is complemented by another myth that Hesiod recounts in the Works and Days, the story of the generations of humans. According to this myth, which has numerous parallels in oriental tales and presumably originates among the peoples of western Asia, the earliest human generation was a golden race of men who did not need to work. In contrast to the generations of the gods, which became progressively more righteous and blessed, the generations of humans degenerated through ages of silver, then bronze, then anomalously an age of heroes, and finally the iron age in which Hesiod considers himself to be living.
Humans have become increasingly vicious and, as punishment from the gods, conditions have become increasingly harsh. We mortals have to make the most of a very bad lot and the best we can do, Hesiod seems to be telling us, is to listen carefully to the lessons contained in the Theogony and the Works and Days in hopes that further degeneration can be minimized.
His works survive as a result of the new technology of writing, and we have noticed a few of the many instances in his work of orientalizing influence. They lived at the time ritual focus typical of the polis that was of Cronus, when he ruled as king in the heavens. Nor were they afflicted political power of the basileis and with the with the feebleness of old age, but their limbs remained details of myth and cult.
When they died it was as though story of the progress of the gods and they were succumbing to sleep. Hesiod speaks primarily in terms of biological procreation: Birth and organic growth are for Hesiod the process by which development of any sort occurs. Some, however, have no existence in Greek cult and may rather be the product of pure invention on the part of the poet.
It is a curious feature of ancient Greek civilization that poets are generally felt to possess the authority to mold myths and to explain the origins of ritual practice, thereby in some instances actually transforming ritual practice or even generating new rituals. We have seen that communal cults are intimately connected with the development of the polis in the period in which Hesiod lived.
Rather, he is addressing a Panhellenic audience and his concern is with the wider Greek world. We saw in chapter 2 that the Greeks were divided into regional groups of speakers of different dialects of Greek. At some related, Boeotian dialect was spoken. In fact, they or wealth and prosperity that he was running away from but cannot be said to belong to any one diadire poverty, which Zeus bestows on men.
He settled down lect. Hesiod composes his poetry in an near Mount Helicon in a miserable village, Ascra, bad in artificial dialect that combines features winter, unbearable in summer, never good.
The Development of Hero Cult In fact, Hesiod tells us briefly in the Works and Days about one of those occasions on which he performed in a neighboring community. He traveled, he says, to the city of Chalcis on the island of Euboea to compete in a contest associated with the funeral rites for a prominent leader of Chalcis.
This practice of holding elaborate funeral rites, including the participation of Greeks from other communities, is a standard feature of the developing polis. We noted in chapter 2 that the polis seems to have crystallized during the eighth century bc around the sanctuary, but this was only part of the story. Also instrumental in the creation of the polis was a change, or a series of changes, in funerary practice. As we have seen, during the Mycenaean Period prominent individuals were buried in lavish style, a practice that continued in the Dark Age, although generally on a much smaller scale because of severely reduced prosperity.
A chance discovery, however, has revealed that, on occasion, even during the Dark Age some individual was able to rise to a level of prosperity that allowed him to emulate his Mycenaean predecessors. In , a citizen of the town of Lefkandi on the island of Euboea, less than 10 kilometers as the crow flies from Chalcis, while using a bulldozer to clear some land, uncovered and partially destroyed the remains of a large structure dating to the first half of the tenth century bc.
The name of the town looks different from the names of the other locations in Greece that we have been considering. The reason for this is that the other locations we have encountered have been places whose ancient names we know because they are referred to in texts from antiquity. It explores the ways in which Near Eastern antiquity was redefined and experienced, becoming the subject of new regulation, new modes of knowledge, and international and local politics.
A series of globally publicized spectacular archaeological discoveries in Iraq, Egypt, and Palestine, which the book follows, made antiquity visible, palpable and accessible as never before. The new uses of antiquity and its relations to modernity were inseparable from the emergence of the post-war world order, imperial collaboration and collisions, and national aspirations.
Empires of Antiquities uniquely combines a history of the internationalization of a new "regime of archaeology" under the oversight of the League of Nations and its web of institutions, a history of British passions for Near Eastern antiquity, on-the-ground colonial mechanisms and nationalist claims on the past. Drawing on an unusually wide range of archives in several countries, as well as on visual and material evidence, the book weaves together imperial, international, and local histories of institutions, people, ideas and objects and offers an entirely new interpretation of the history of archaeological discovery and its connections to empires and modernity.
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